Vladimir Goncharik: “The Power Of The Nation and For The Nation” – Unpublished Interview of a Unique Candidate :: Charter'97 :: News

Presidential elections in Belarus will hit on Sunday. “Polit.Ru” got grab of an exclusive interview of the unique opposition candidate Vladimir Goncharik, which had never seen light in any independent newspaper owing to the “complex political climate in the country”, as its authors put it. Most likely, though, the interview hadn’t been published as far as the paper’s editorial board considered it a potential source of tensions between them and authorities. Anyway, no matter what these reasons might be, the fact itself explicitly manifests what kind of relations with press the Belarusian state apparatus builds.

Pre-election materials are always marked by a certain degree of populism. In Goncharik’s case he has to cater to the needs of all diversely split up opposition groups, which had to unify in order to oppose the dictatorship of Alexander Lukashenko. One should also take into account harsh pressure laid upon the consolidated opposition forces. Interior and exterior compromises are but a natural form of combating the dictatorial regime for groups, which choose not radical resistance.

VLADIMIR GONCHARIK: “THE AUTHORITY OF THE NATION AND FOR THE NATION”

- Vladimir Ivanovich, the people know you as a trade unionist leader. Now you come in a new capacity – as a politician, running for the president’s seat. Such a twist in your career may look unexpected to many. What motives underlay it?

- Back in 1996 at the 1st All-Belarusian Assembly I voted against the amendments into the Constitution, as proposed by the acting head of state. Then, right after the meeting, Mikhail Myasnikovich came up to me and inquired: “Vladimir Ivanovich, don’t you think you started your election campaign too early?” It was just 1996. But I thought – why not?

Seriously speaking, under the current conditions the activity of the trade union leader is closely linked to that of the politician. Since 1996 the authorities have been implementing a step-by-step campaign to stifle the trade union movement, discredit trade unions, violate principles of social partnership. We couldn’t let that happen. And we didn’t. When the authorities demonstratively refused to listen to our position, we had to get down to such forms of fight for our convictions as rallies and street actions. The pressure from above was very burdensome. And there also grew inner resistance amid the trade union sphere. As a result we realized that one could possibly change the situation through the replacement of the existing system of power, i.e. through presidential elections. Why am I talking about the change of the state system? Because our state system is vicious. For most of the problems that we’re facing today, economic ones included, originate not from personally Lukashenko, but rather the system he formed. Too much power concentrated in one man’s hands is good for nothing. And mind the total absence of control by the parliament and other state bodies. Even if a person on top is an awesome personality, there’s no guarantee that he may use his authority against the nation. And we got to alter this system, which is the major concern of my election campaign.

- As a rule, the pre-election campaign of any candidate for the president looks attractive. Programs of Gaidukevich, Goncharik and Lukashenko are no exception. All three runners for the post vow they will create perfect conditions for the nation’s affluence. However, the voters have been many times misled by election slogans. Can you guarantee that your promises won’t differ from actions in case of your victory?

- During my meeting with voters in Vitebsk a pensioner approached me and asked: “Vladimir Ivanovich, will you pay out pensions if you win? For the president claims that it is only him who will pay us pensions.” I said to him: “You bet the pensions will be paid.” He didn’t believe what I said and handed me a sheet of paper: “Write it down, if you will” - “Here you go” - “Now sign, please”. I put my signature and he added: “Could you also place the date right here?” I did. See, now I have a written obligation to pay out pensions. In likewise manner I’m ready to sign any provision of my election program. The program reads, quote: “This is a program of guarantees to every citizen of our country.”

Notice, nowhere in the program you will find void promises, like wages of 100, 300 or 500 dollars. What we are saying rather is that we’ll create conditions under which anyone with a pair of hands and a head would be able to earn as much as he desires. And also that the state will protect the old and the weak, those who cannot make it on their own. But the protection should be real, not just laid out on the paper.

- Do you intend to carry out a series of important steps: lift the economy from the knees, improve affairs in social sphere etc.? Of course, it is difficult to lay out in the form of a thesis the consecutiveness of actions of the generator of these ideas. Nonetheless, the people are interested in mechanisms of your future transformations.

- The current system of state economy management is built around a principle: let’s take away more from those who do more. We’ll put an end to this evil practice.

Over one year period we’ll change the taxation system by reducing the duties and simplifying it all. There’ll be shortened the number of licensed types of activity. In the shortest possible terms we’ll create favorable conditions for the equal and efficient management of companies and organizations of all forms of power, including small and middle entrepreneurship. There will also be a sound competition, market infrastructure, currency, credit, hard currency and bond market. We’ll ensure the true independence of the banking system, cease the emission crediting and establish an optimal exchange rate of the Belarusian ruble. The state, just as its citizens, will live on whatever it earns. We’ll curtail the irrational state expenditures; put in conformity the number of officials in state apparatus, controlling and law-enforcement bodies; revise the order of financing the mass activities, construction of costly objects. We will also simplify the customs procedures and lower the duties, especially with regard to the advanced technology.

The state will support the village, financing purposeful programs, maintaining the parity of prices on agricultural and industrial production. Part of the land will be included into the economic turnover, as stipulated by law. The collective farms will be endowed with a right to freely transform into independent husbandries with the free choice of the form of ownership and organization of the production process. That’s how we’ll handle economy. The development of the social sphere will be predicated upon the principle “jobs for the able-bodied, aid and care for the disabled and weak.” Victory over poverty and misery, just like the liquidation of the social parasitism, will stand high on the agenda of the government. The program specifically singles out the points, touching upon the enhancing of welfare of the Second World War veterans and similar categories of citizens. Veterans will get back the groundlessly abolished privileges, so will the victims of political repression and Chernobyl disaster. Greater attention will be dedicated to the development of science, education, healthcare and culture.

Needless to say that within the framework of this interview we won’t be able to cite all aspects of our work, following the victory at the ballot. However, we should at least make mention of some of them. First, I believe that the evaluation of any Cabinet’s performance is the level of well-being of citizens. And we will be guided by this principle. Secondly, no one will enforcedly impose a single state language and change the symbols. Extremes are out of my line. I see as my greatest concern the unification of the society, now split due to the current state policy. That’s a painstaking and time-consuming work, but it needs to be done. I run the ballot with a team of professionals in the sphere of state management and economy. Together we will fulfill all that we have promised.

- Familiarizing himself with the pre-election platform of every presidential nominee the voter tries to get a clue on what’s it all about. Not everybody is able to get to the core of it. Could you formulate the most distinctive features and differences of your pre-election campaign?

- The programs indeed have a lot in common, for the weak points in economy are seen with a naked eye. One can’t omit or avoid them. As for the differences… The acting head of state’s program even mentions some economic liberalization. But then the question arises: why nothing has been done in this respect over the past seven years? So, I figure, many points of his platform will remain unfulfilled, while after the ballot, if he wins it, the screws will be tightened up even more. All basic principles of my program have been highlighted above. We suggest that we change the state system, making it the authority of the nation for the nation. This has to do with the enlargement of rights and functions of the parliament, government, local governing bodies and guarantees of constitutional freedoms. We will also forbid political surveillance and shadowing, revitalize the independence of the judiciary and the appointment by election of judges of all levels. I guarantee to the political parties and public organizations their right to engage in the parliamentary and local authorities elections, as well as unimpeded access to state media. And this is not mere declaration. Instead, it will become a reality right after we win the elections.